69传媒

For the past three decades, public school accountability had generally been heading in one direction: toward common standards, standardized tests, and a bigger role for the federal government in shaping how states gauge student performance and improve schools.

But now, all that seems to have taken a U-turn.

Reflecting a seismic shift in attitudes toward the federal footprint in education, states and districts are getting broad flexibility when it comes to how they measure school and student progress. And they鈥檒l have much more say when it comes to intervening in the lowest-performing schools, and ensuring that students who are traditionally overlooked鈥攊ncluding poor and minority students鈥攄on鈥檛 fall through the cracks.

They鈥檝e also been tasked with looking at a broad range of factors to gauge school performance鈥攏ot just test scores.

But the new leeway, embodied in a new version of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, has reignited an old debate: If states are given the controls when it comes to accountability, will they continue to turn around low-performing schools? Will they keep expectations high鈥攁nd keep their foot on the accelerator when it comes to closing the achievement gap?

Margaret Spellings, who served as U.S. secretary of education under President George W. Bush, is worried.

鈥淭he states basically have said, 鈥榃e can鈥檛 get all kids reading on grade level, are you crazy? Let鈥檚 figure out some loopholes so we don鈥檛 have to,鈥� 鈥� said Spellings, who was an architect of the No Child Left Behind Act, the 2002 reauthorization of the law that was arguably the high-water mark for federal involvement in accountability. 鈥淭here鈥檚 nobody pounding the table and saying, 鈥榊ou鈥檝e got to be kidding me.鈥� Nobody is putting the shame card out there. This is ridiculous.鈥�

But Carey Wright, Mississippi鈥檚 superintendent of education, said there鈥檚 no way the Magnolia State will back down from a strong system focused on high expectations for all students.

鈥淚 think states are excited about having a little flexibility, more autonomy,鈥� she said. 鈥淏ut for me, in a state like Mississippi which has been underperforming for the number of years that it has, I cannot back up. I just cannot. ... I think it鈥檚 incumbent upon us to really be looking at this through the lens of equity because there are subgroups of our population that are just not performing as high as other subgroups, and that鈥檚 just not fair, and it鈥檚 just not just.鈥�

Riding a Wave

The federally centered, largely test-driven approach to accountability that has dominated the landscape over the past decade and a half didn鈥檛 emerge from nowhere. Instead, the NCLB law grew out of the decades-old, standards-based education redesign movement.

That movement was arguably underway鈥攊n fits and starts鈥攆or some 30 years before it got hit with a double whammy of accelerants. First came the 1983 report 鈥淎 Nation At Risk,鈥� which warned that the country was falling dangerously behind the rest of the world in K-12 education, threatening long-term prosperity.

That report brought new momentum to a flurry of activity already taking place in the nation鈥檚 capital and around the country. States, particularly in the South, began鈥攐r continued鈥攖o ratchet up the rigor of their coursework and hold their students to higher expectations. Meanwhile, a 1988 reauthorization of the ESEA introduced the idea of looking at student outcomes to gauge whether federal money aimed at the poorest children was making an impact.

The second big boost came the year after that new iteration of ESEA became law: President George H.W. Bush convened a summit on education in Charlottesville, Va., featuring nearly every governor, including future President Bill Clinton, who was Arkansas鈥� chief executive at the time.

The 1989 summit resulted in a promise to set education goals, and for the country to hold itself accountable, somehow, for meeting them.

That pledge helped create a fragile federal-state partnership to further standards-based education redesign. Even in the face of concerns about federal overreach, it spurred a cascade of legislation: Goals 2000, a Clinton-era initiative that sought to provide states with resources to develop content standards, and the 1994 reauthorization of ESEA, the Improving America鈥檚 69传媒 Act, which introduced a federal requirement for statewide tests and standards for the first time.

Meanwhile, states including Kentucky and Maryland were moving toward crafting their own accountability systems, including consequences and extra supports for schools that failed to make progress.

The NCLB law, which passed by big, bipartisan margins, was intended to build on that work and put some federal parameters in place to ensure that states tested students every year. And it expected states to take specific action in places where poor and minority students鈥攐r the whole school鈥攚ere struggling to meet achievement targets.

That law also required states to work toward a common goal for student achievement: bringing all students to the 鈥減roficient鈥� level on state assessments in reading and math by the 2013-14 school year.

Wiggle Room

But the law stayed in place for years without a facelift. As the deadline for bringing all students to proficiency neared, and it became clear that few states would come close to getting all children over that bar, the Obama administration stepped in. It offered states waivers from many of the mandates of the NCLB law.

The waivers, which were in place in 42 states and the District of Columbia in fall 2015, gave states more say over some pieces of accountability: setting student-achievement goals, pinpointing which schools needed the most help, and intervening in schools that had problems but weren鈥檛 seriously underperforming.

But the waivers tightened the strings on two other key accountability pieces by calling for new teacher evaluations that took student outcomes on state tests into consideration, and standards that would get students ready for college and the workplace.

States could either opt to use the Common Core State Standards鈥攚hich are currently in place in more than 40 states and the District of Columbia鈥攐r draw up their own, as long as their institutions of higher education certified that the expectations were rigorous enough to get students ready for college and the workplace.

Setting the Stage

The Obama administration billed that as new state flexibility. But not everyone saw it that way. In fact, all the perceived prescriptions in the NCLB law and, later, the waivers, helped trigger a big backlash鈥攁gainst standardized testing, against the common core, and ultimately, against the federal role in accountability, said Jeff Henig, a professor at Teachers College, Columbia University, who focuses on education and politics.

It united some progressives with the anti-federal-establishment crowd, he explained, and ultimately put pressure on state leaders and Congress to head in a new direction.

That political dynamic, coupled with frustration on the part of some states with the NCLB waivers, helped shape the latest reauthorization of the federal education law signed by President Barack Obama last month.

Under the Every Student Succeeds Act, states will be required to hold schools accountable for much more than just test scores. They will have to consider at least one factor that gets at school quality, such as teacher engagement, student engagement, or access to and success in advanced coursework.

What鈥檚 more, the law will allow a handful of states to try out new forms of assessments, beginning in individual districts, with the goal of going statewide. It also calls for states to focus their turnaround efforts on their lowest-performing schools and schools with high dropout rates, while giving state and district officials more control when it comes to interventions.

States and districts could use the new law to build on experimentation and approaches already underway. Massachusetts, for instance, uses a 鈥渢riage鈥� approach to school improvement鈥攐ffering the most help to schools and districts that don鈥檛 have the capacity to transform themselves.

New Hampshire is already moving to replace traditional standardized tests with a new breed of 鈥減erformance assessments.鈥� A cadre of California districts is gauging schools on more than just reading and math scores鈥攖hey are looking at 鈥済rit鈥� and other social-emotional skills.

Ramping Up

There鈥檚 a lot of potential in the approaches getting a test run in New Hampshire and California, Deborah S. Delisle, the executive director of ASCD, a 150,000-member international education organization that provides professional development, advocates policy shifts, and more, wrote in an email. But, she added, other places need to know that neither state鈥檚 approach could be replicated overnight.

鈥淭hese systems took a significant amount of thinking, analysis, and work at the local level,鈥� wrote Delisle, who served as the assistant secretary for elementary and secondary education under Obama. 鈥淚t is easy to be tempted to adopt another state鈥檚 or district鈥檚 pilot; however, processes are not necessarily transferable, and they need to be analyzed in terms of the local schools鈥� needs and goals for their students.鈥�

What鈥檚 more, there are almost certainly going to be concerns about state capacity to take the lead on setting goals and turning around low-performing schools, said Paul Manna, a professor of government at the College of William and Mary, in Williamsburg, Va. He noted that some states have trouble just testing all students each year.

It may take a while for the dust to settle and a new vision for accountability to emerge, Henig said. But one blueprint for the future may be the past, specifically, the years just before the passage of the NCLB law, which saw a real range of approaches to accountability.

鈥淟ooking back to pre-NCLB, we see what we could anticipate as a likely outcome in the future, which is considerable variation in terms of how [states] use greater authority and discretion. Some states were leaders and innovators, some were laggards,鈥� he said. 鈥淭hey vary in terms of political dynamics, vary in terms of bureaucratic capacity, ... and in terms of what they value.鈥�